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AN ABDULLAH AL-MUHAJIR QUESTION

Part of the justification for remanding Abdullah al-Muhajir, formerly Jose Padilla, to civil criminal custody and thus out of military custody was that he is a US citizen, caught at war against the US, but not in a "zone of combat." Presumably if he had been a US citizen caught on US soil but in a "zone of combat," the 2nd Disctrict Court of Appeals would have ruled differently. After all, Confederate soldiers caught on the battlefield (in a "zone of combat") ended up in prisoner of war camps run by the military, though they were still US citizens in the eyes of Union law. The question of whether they remained US citizens or not after seccession was rather central to the war, but to the Union they very much were citizens in a state of rebellion. That was the whole point, until 1863 at least. And Confederate spies, not regarded as regular troops and often caught out of Johnny Reb gray (and sometimes wearing Billy Yank blue, and sometimes not members of any rebel army at all), were sometimes summarily executed without trial. Yet they were US citizens in the Union's eyes, and were often caught far away from any battlefield or "zone of combat." For the record, Confederates treated captured Union forces and spies in like manner.

But...how does one define "zones of combat" in a war that includes everything from shoe bombers aboard airplanes on international flights over the Atlantic but bound for the US to, maybe, female suicide bombers at loose in New York? Do we say that New York, having already suffered a catastrophic attack, is a zone of combat, while Dallas, which hasn't, isn't? But if there is intelligence indicating a bomber is loose in Dallas, does it become a zone of combat either until the bomb goes off, or until the bomber is caught, or for the duration of the war, having once been threatened? What about Fort Worth, 30 miles west? Or Waxahachie, 20 miles south? Or Austin, a few hours' drive down I-35? And to what extent does it matter that our enemy prefers anonymous mass killing with bombs to any kind of formation-based assault? There isn't much in the way of traditional combat with terrorists, though the death they deliver is no less final.

In a war in which al Qaeda has placed sleeper cells in places like Lackawana, NY, and in which sympathizers have been caught plotting in Oregon, and in which the 9-11 hijackers lived and trained in Florida before killing in New York City, Washington DC and Pennsylvania, what is a zone of combat and what isn't? If US troops have to be involved, well, after the New York attacks on 9-11 US Air Force jets were scrambled to shoot down any aircraft that assumed any kind of threatening posture. Did that make the skies they patrolled zones of combat, but not the ground beneath them? Or was the ground a zone of combat too, until the fighter jets went back home? One would think that two years into this war, we could answer these questions by now. Al-Muhajir's muddled status indicates that we cannot.

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Posted by B. Preston on December 19, 2003 4:59 PM
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That’s all we need; a corrupt judiciary aligned with the Islamist. God help us.

Yeah, but if you follow that logic, you end up saying that the federal government can arrest and indefinitely detail any U.S. citizen in the U.S. with or without cause. That’s a bit farther than I’m willing to go.

Up to this point, Padilla/al-Muhajir, an American citizen, has been held by the government without any charge, and for the most part without access to an attorney. That ain’t right. The government should charge him with a crime, or let him go. I suspect they’ll do the former, and if he’s guilty (as I suspect), I hope he never sees the light of day.

On the other hand, non-citizens, or those captured outside the U.S., can be thrown down the darkest hole for all I care.

Actually, to your first point (and I’m glad that you, a lawyer, weighed in), no, the administration doesn’t have the power to detain anyone it wants with or without cause, no matter how the court ruled in this particular case. If nothing else, al-Muhajir’s case proves that judicial oversight exists as a check against this power. If it didn’t, we wouldn’t be talking about the ruling, which the administration lost. And in the case of Abdullah Padilla, there is cause to hold him—he was arrested based on a tip from al Qaeda operatives held in Gitmo, and anyone who cares to research his past can find solid links between him and BIF, a known terrorist front, as well as a mosque with known terrorist connections (if I remember his case right).

If the feds tried to take me in, they would have no cause, since no al Qaeda op could tell them anything about me and no one can connect me to any terrorist front of any kind, since I have no such links. The evidence against al-Muhajir is critical to his status as an enemy combatant, and is the reason he has been held.

That said, shouldn’t we have found a way to deal with these questions by now? What in the world has Congress been doing for the past two years, other than spending our money and acting like idiots?

As for charging Jose al-Muhajir Padilla, what will be the charge? I fear that in criminal court he’ll be able to plead down to something that will put him back on the streets in a few years, a hardened terrorist looking to resume the fight. Or he’ll be able to game the system somehow and compromise whatever intel assets we threw into catching him.

There aren’t any easy answers here, it seems to me, but don’t we pay our glorious leaders in Washington to at least come up with some kind of solutions?

Posted by Bryan on December 19, 2003 5:45 PM

What in the world has Congress been doing for the past two years, other than spending our money and acting like idiots?

Bryan, you have to admit those are full-time jobs…

“And in the case of Abdullah Padilla, there is cause to hold him—he was arrested based on a tip from al Qaeda operatives held in Gitmo, and anyone who cares to research his past can find solid links between him and BIF, a known terrorist front, as well as a mosque with known terrorist connections (if I remember his case right).”

If the government doesn’t have to put forth its evidence, then they don’t need any cause. They could arrest you and say they’d uncovered evidence that you were a terrorist. If there’s no forum to review that allegation, then it needn’t be based on anything at all.

You ask why we don’t have a way to deal with this yet and wonder, “what has the government been doing for the last two years.” Well, this time, they’re on top of it — by over 200 years. The Common Law writ of habeas corpus is specifically enshrined in the Constitution (and it’s English roots go back the better part of a millenium). Without going into boring lawerly detail, it means that if the government takes someone into custody, a court can order them to produce the evidence or let him go (or “produce the body”).

That’s all this Court did. The government has not previously charged this guy with anything, other than in the press. They haven’t put forward any of the evidence. So far, we have exactly as much evidence of Padilla’s guilt as we did about Richard Jewell’s — and we know how that turned out.

Again, contrary to the press reports (which always get legal stories wrong), the government doesn’t have to let this guy go. The Court just ordered that they charge him with something if they want to hold him (alternatively they can seek to hold him on material witness grounds, which is a more complex issue).

If the government has evidence that Padilla aided terrorists, or that he was engaged in planning of a terrorist attack, they can put him in prison for decades. This guy needn’t walk free, and likely won’t.

I stress that I fully believe in this guy’s guilt — probably because I’m biased. But the government ought to have to prove it if they want to keep an American Citizen locked up indefinitely. If they didn’t, Richard Jewell would still be in jail.

I’m basically with you Spoons, and I do know about habeus corpus. That’s what Lincoln suspended during the Civil War—and no, I’m not arguing that we do that now. But it seems to me that something is missing here, and that ordinary criminal law may not apply as well as military law might. There is a very real, nontrivial risk that we will end up burning our intel sources if we have to try cases like Padilla’s in ordinary court proceedings. I could be wrong, but that’s how I see it.

I’ve said all along that I don’t like the incognito way in which Padilla has been handled, but given the long track record of terrorists using their lawyers to pass information to other terrorists, and given the fact that we’re at war with an enemy that is actually fighting on our soil, and given the fact that Padilla is probably an enemy soldier of some sort, this case is as wrinkled as John Kerry’s face. Some nuance in the law may be needed to ensure that we and Padilla get fair justice, and we preserve our sources of intel for future use.

Posted by Bryan on December 19, 2003 8:23 PM

I get sick of hearing how terrorists should be let off the hook and treated as common criminals because if they get treated as war enemies then anyone CAN. I hate to break it to you, but anyone CAN be arrested on trumped up charges right now. Happens all the time. Yet not one of these people can point to a single case where the government has actuallly abused the Patriot Act or even Presidential War Powers since 9/11.

If we aren’t going to support any policy that has a POTENTIAL for abuse (since no abuse can be cited), then we shouldn’t have any policies on anything. Let’s just dissolve the government and let America disintegrate into total barbarity for the sake of “fairness”. Because that’s the only way you’re going to be rid of any governmental rule, law, or statute that can POTENTIALLY be abused.

Padilla is not a mere criminal. He plotted with America’s enemies to commit a Terrorist act and is being treated accordingly.

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